Tuesday, November 13, 2018

The Case of the Lorcha Arrow--Karl Marx in New York Daily Tribune Articles On China, 1853-1860
Written: Jan 23, 1857;
Transcribed by: Harold Newson;
HTML Mark-up: Andy Blunden;

THE MAILS of the America which reached us yesterday morning bring a variety of documents concerning the British quarrel with the Chinese authorities at Canton, and the warlike operations of Admiral Seymour. The result which a careful study of the official correspondence between the British and Chinese authorities at Hong-Kong and Canton must, we think, produce upon every impartial mind, is that the British are in the wrong in the whole proceeding. The alleged cause of the quarrel, as stated by the latter, is that instead of appealing to the British Consul, certain Chinese officers had violently removed some Chinese criminals from a lorcha lying in Canton river, and hauled down the British flag which was flying from its mast. But, as says the London Times, "there are, indeed, matters in dispute, such as whether the lorcha ... was carrying British colours, and whether the Consul was entirely justified in the steps that he took." The doubt thus admitted is confirmed when we remember that the provision of the treaty, which the Consul insists should be applied to this lorcha, relates to British ships alone; while the lorcha, as it abundantly appears, was not in any just sense British. But in order that our readers may have the whole case before them, we proceed to give what is important in the official correspondence. First, we have a communication dated Oct. 21, from Mr. Parkes, the British Consul at Canton, to Governor General Yeh, as follows:

"On the morning of the 8th inst. the British lorcha Arrow, when lying among the shipping anchored before the city, was boarded, without any previous reference being made to the British Consul, by a large force of Chinese officers and soldiers in uniform, who, in the face of the remonstrance of her master, an Englishman, seized, bound and carried away twelve Chinese out of her crew of fourteen, and hauled down her colours. I reported all the particulars of this public insult to the British flag, and grave violation of the ninth article of the Supplementary Treaty, to your Excellency the same day, and appealed to you to afford satisfaction for the insult, and cause the provisions of the treaty to be in this case faithfully observed. But your Excellency, with a strange disregard both to justice and treaty engagement, has offered no reparation or apology for the injury, and, by retaining the men you have seized in your custody, signify your approval of this violation of the treaty, and leave her Majesty's Government without any assurance that similar aggressions shall not again occur."

It seems that the Chinese on board the lorcha were seized by the Chinese officers because the latter had been informed that some of the crew had participated in a piracy committed against a Chinese merchantman. The British Consul accuses the Chinese Governor-General of seizing the crew, of hauling down the British flag, of declining to offer any apology, and of retaining the men seized in his custody. The Chinese Governor, in a letter addressed to Admiral Seymour, affirms that, having ascertained that nine of the captives were innocent, he directed, on Oct. 10, an officer to put them on board of their vessel again, but that Consul Parkes refused to receive them. As to the lorcha itself, he states that when the Chinese on board were seized, she was supposed to be a Chinese vessel, and rightly so, because she was built by a Chinese, and belonged to a Chinese, who had fraudulently obtained possession of a British ensign, by entering his vessel on the colonial British registers method, it seems, habitual with Chinese smugglers. As to the question of the insult to the flag, the Governor remarks:

"It has been the invariable rule with lorchas of your Excellency's nation, to haul down their ensign when they drop anchor, and to hoist it again when they get under way. When the lorcha was boarded, in order that the prisoners might be seized, it has been satisfactorily proved that no flag was flying. How then could a flag have been hauled down? Yet Consul Parkes, in one despatch after another, pretends that satisfaction is required for this insult offered to the flag."

From these premises the Chinese Governor concludes that no breach of any treaty has been committed. On Oct. 12, nevertheless, the British Plenipotentiary demanded not only the surrender of the whole of the arrested crew, but also an apology. The Governor thus replies:

"Early on the morning Of Oct. 22, I wrote to Consul Parkes, and at the same time forwarded to him twelve men, namely, Leong Ming-tai and Leong Kee-fu, convicted on the inquiry I had instituted, and the witness, Wu-A-jin, together with nine previously tendered. But Mr. Consul Parkes would neither receive the twelve prisoners nor my letter."

Parkes might, therefore, have now got back the whole of his twelve men, together with what was most probably an apology, contained in a letter which he did not open. In the evening of the same day, Governor Yeh again made inquiry why the prisoners tendered by him were not received, and why he received no answer to, his letter. No notice was taken of this step, but on the 24th fire was opened on the forts, and several of them were taken; and it was not until Nov. 1 that Admiral Seymour explained the apparently incomprehensible conduct of Consul Parkes in a message to the Governor. The men, he says, had been restored to the Consul, but "not publicly restored to their vessel, nor had the required apology been made for the violation of the Consular jurisdiction." To this quibble, then, of not restoring in state a set of men numbering three convicted criminals, the whole case is reduced. To this the Governor of Canton answers, first, that the twelve men had been actually handed over to the Consul, and that there had not been "any refusal to return the men to their vessel." What was still the matter with this British Consul, the Chinese Governor only learned after the city had been bombarded for six days. As to an apology, Governor Yeh insists that none could be given, as no fault had been committed. We quote his words:

"No foreign flag was seen by my executive at the time of the capture, and as, in addition to this, it was ascertained on the examination of the prisoners by the officer deputed to conduct it, that the lorcha was in no respect a foreign vessel, I maintain that there was no mistake committed."

Indeed, the force of this Chinaman's dialectics disposes so effectually of the whole question — and there is no other apparent case — that Admiral Seymour at last has no resource left him but a declaration like the following:

"I must positively decline any further argument on the merits of the case of the lorcha Arrow. I am perfectly satisfied of the facts as represented to your Excellency by Mr. Consul Parkes."

But after having taken the forts, breached the walls of the city, and bombarded Canton for six days, the Admiral suddenly discovers quite a new object for his measures, as we find him writing to the Chinese Governor on Oct. 30:

"It is now for your Excellency, by immediate consultation with me, to terminate a condition of things of which the present evil is not slight, but which, if not amended, can scarcely fail to be productive of the most serious calamities."

The Chinese Governor answers that according to the Convention of 1849, he had no right to ask for such a consultation. He further says:

"In reference to the admission into the city, I must observe that, in April 1849, his Excellency the Plenipotentiary Bonham issued a public notice at the factories here, to the effect that he thereby prohibited foreigners from entering the city. The notice was inserted in the newspapers of the time, and will, I presume, have been read by your Excellency. Add to this that the exclusion of foreigners from the city is by the unanimous vote of the whole population of Kwangtong. It may be supposed how little to their liking has been this storming of the forts and this destruction of their dwellings; and, apprehensive as I am of the evil that may hence befall the officials and citizens of your Excellency's nation, I can suggest nothing better than a continued adherence to the policy of the Plenipotentiary Bonham, as to the correct course to be pursued. As to the consultation proposed by your Excellency, I have already, some days ago, deputed Tcheang, Prefect of Lei-chow-fu."

Admiral Seymour now makes a clean breast of it, declaring that he does not care for the Convention of Mr. Bonham:

"Your Excellency's reply refers me to the notification of the British Plenipotentiary of 1849, prohibiting foreigners from entering Canton. Now, I must remind you that, although we have indeed serious matter of complaint against the Chinese Government for breach of the promise given in 1847 to admit foreigners into Canton at the end of two years, my demand now made is in no way connected with former negotiations on the same subject, neither am I demanding admission of any but the foreign officials, and this only for the simple and sufficient reasons above assigned.

"On my proposal to treat personally with your Excellency, you do me the honour to remark that you sent a prefect some days ago. I am compelled therefore to regard your Excellency's whole letter as unsatisfactory in the extreme, and have only to add that, unless I immediately receive an explicit assurance of your assent to what I have proposed, I shall at once resume offensive operations."

Governor Yeh retorts by again entering into the details of the Convention of 1849:

"In 1848 there was a long controversial correspondence on the subject between my predecessor Len and the British Plenipotentiary, Mr. Bonham, and Mr. Bonham being satisfied that an interview within the city was utterly out of the question, addressed a letter to Leu in the April of 1849, in which he said, 'At the present time I can have no more discussion with your Excellency on this subject.' He further issued a notice from the factories to the effect that no foreigner was to enter the city, which was inserted in the papers, and he communicated this to the British Government. There was not a Chinese or foreigner of any nation who did not know that the question was never to be discussed again."

Impatient of argument, the British Admiral hereupon forces his way into the City of Canton to the residence of the Governor, at the same time destroying the Imperial fleet in the river. Thus there are two distinct acts in this diplomatic and military drama — the first introducing the bombardment of Canton on the pretext of a breach of the Treaty Of 1842 committed by the Chinese Governor, and the second, continuing that bombardment on an enlarged scale, on the pretext that the Governor clung stubbornly to the Convention of 1849. First Canton is bombarded for breaking a treaty, and next it is bombarded for observing a treaty. Besides, it is not even pretended that redress was not given in the first instance, but only that redress was not given in the orthodox manner.

The view of the case put forth by the London Times would do no discredit even to General William Walker of Nicaragua.

"By this outbreak of hostilities," says that journal, "existing treaties are annulled, and we are left free to shape our relations with the Chinese Empire as we please... the recent proceedings at Canton warn us that we ought to enforce that right of free entrance into the country and into the ports open to us which was stipulated for by the Treaty Of 1842. We must not again be told that our representatives must be excluded from the presence of the Chinese Governor-General, because we have waived the performance of the article which enabled foreigners to penetrate beyond the precincts of our factories."

In other words, "we" have commenced hostilities in order to break an existing treaty and to enforce a claim which "we" have waived by an express convention! We are happy to say, however, that another prominent organ of British opinion expresses itself in a more humane and becoming tone. It is, says the Daily News, a "monstrous fact, that in order to avenge the irritated pride of a British official, and punish the folly of an Asiatic governor, we prostitute our strength to the wicked work of carrying fire and sword, and desolation and death, into the peaceful homes of unoffending men, on whose shores we were originally intruders. Whatever may be the issue of this Canton bombardment, the deed itself is a bad and a base one — a reckless and wanton waste of human life at the shrine of a false etiquette and a mistaken policy."

It is, perhaps, a question whether the civilized nations of the world will approve this mode of invading a peaceful country, without previous declaration of war, for an alleged infringement of the fanciful code of diplomatic etiquette. If the first Chinese war, in spite of its infamous pretext, was patiently looked upon by other Powers, because it held out the prospect of opening the trade with China, is not this second war likely to obstruct that trade for an indefinite period? Its first result must be the cutting off of Canton from the tea-growing districts, as yet, for the most part, in the hands of the imperialists — a circumstance which cannot profit anybody but the Russian overland tea-traders.

With regard to the reported destruction of a Chinese fort by the American frigate Portsmouth, we are not yet sufficiently informed to express a decided opinion.
Revolution in China and In Europe, June 14, 1853--Karl Marx in New York Daily Tribune
Articles On China, 1853-1860
A most profound yet fantastic speculator on the principles which govern the movements of Humanity was wont to extol as one of the ruling secrets of nature what he called the law of the contact of extremes. The homely proverb that “extremes meet” was, in his view, a grand and potent truth in every sphere of life; an axiom with which the philosopher could as little dispense as the astronomer with the laws of Kepler or the great discovery of Newton.

Whether the “contact of extremes” be such a universal principle or not, a striking illustration of it may be seen in the effect the Chinese revolution seems likely to exercise upon the civilized world. It may seem a very strange, and a very paradoxical assertion that the next uprising of the people of Europe, and their next movement for republican freedom and economy of Government, may depend more probably on what is now passing in the Celestial Empire — the very opposite of Europe — than on any other political cause that now exists — more even than on the menaces of Russia and the consequent likelihood of a general European war. But yet it is no paradox, as all may understand by attentively considering the circumstances of the case.

Whatever be the social causes, and whatever religious, dynastic, or national shape they may assume, that have brought about the chronic rebellions subsisting in China for about ten years past, and now gathered together in one formidable revolution the occasion of this outbreak has unquestionably been afforded by the English cannon forcing upon China that soporific drug called opium. Before the British arms the authority of the Manchu dynasty fell to pieces; the superstitious faith in the eternity of the Celestial Empire broke down; the barbarous and hermetic isolation from the civilized world was infringed; and an opening was made for that intercourse which has since proceeded so rapidly under the golden attractions of California and Australia. At the same time the silver coin of the Empire, its lifeblood, began to be drained away to the British East Indies.

Up to 1830, the balance of trade being continually in favour of the Chinese, there existed an uninterrupted importation of silver from India, Britain and the United States into China. Since 1833, and especially since 1840, the export of silver from China to India has become almost exhausting for the Celestial Empire. Hence the strong decrees of the Emperor against the opium trade, responded to by still stronger resistance to his measures. Besides this immediate economical consequence, the bribery connected with opium smuggling has entirely demoralized the Chinese State officers in the Southern provinces. Just as the Emperor was wont to be considered the father of all China, so his officers were looked upon as sustaining the paternal relation to their respective districts. But this patriarchal authority, the only moral link embracing the vast machinery of the State, has gradually been corroded by the corruption of those officers, who have made great gains by conniving at opium smuggling. This has occurred principally in the same Southern provinces where the rebellion commenced. It is almost needless to observe that, in the same measure in which opium has obtained the sovereignty over the Chinese, the Emperor and his staff of pedantic mandarins have become dispossessed of their own sovereignty. It would seem as though history had first to make this whole people drunk before it could rouse them out of their hereditary stupidity.

Though scarcely existing in former times, the import of English cottons, and to a small extent of English woollens, has rapidly risen since 1833, the epoch when the monopoly of trade with China was transferred from the East India Company to Private commerce, and on a much greater scale since 1840, the epoch when other nations, and especially our own, also obtained a share in the Chinese trade. This introduction of foreign manufactures has had a similar effect on the native industry to that which it formerly had on Asia Minor, Persia and India. In China the spinners and weavers have suffered greatly under this foreign competition, and the community has become unsettled in proportion.

The tribute to be paid to England after the unfortunate war of 1840, the great unproductive consumption of opium, the drain of the precious metals by this trade, the destructive influence of foreign competition on native manufactures, the demoralized condition of the public administration, produced two things: the old taxation became more burdensome and harassing, and new taxation was added to the old. Thus in a decree of the Emperor, dated Peking, Jan 5 1853, we find orders given to the viceroys and governors of the southern provinces of Wuchang and Hanyang to remit and defer the payment of taxes, and especially not in any case to exact more than the regular amount; for otherwise, says the decree, “how will the poor people be able to bear it?” And “Thus, perhaps,” continues the Emperor, “will my people, in a period of general hardship and distress, be exempted from the evils of being pursued and worried by the tax-gatherer.” Such language as this, and such concessions we remember to have heard from Austria, the China of Germany, in 1848.

All these dissolving agencies acting together on the finances, the morals, the industry, and political structure of China, received their full development under the English cannon in 1840, which broke down the authority of the Emperor, and forced the Celestial Empire into contact with the terrestrial world. Complete isolation was the prime condition of the preservation of Old China. That isolation having come to a violent end by the medium of England, dissolution must follow as surely as that of any mummy carefully preserved in a hermetically sealed coffin, whenever it is brought into contact with the open air. Now, England having brought about the revolution of China, the question is how that revolution will in time react on England, and through England on Europe. This question is not difficult of solution.

The attention of our readers has often been called to the unparalleled growth of British manufactures since 1850. Amid the most surprising prosperity, it has not been difficult to point out the clear symptoms of an approaching industrial crisis. Notwithstanding California and Australia, notwithstanding the immense and unprecedented emigration, there must ever, without any particular accident, in due time arrive a moment when the extension of the markets is unable to keep pace with the extension of British manufactures, and this disproportion must bring about a new crisis with the same certainty as it has done in the past. But, if one of the great markets suddenly becomes contracted, the arrival of the crisis is necessarily accelerated thereby. Now, the Chinese rebellion must, for the time being, have precisely this effect upon England. The necessity for opening new markets, or for extending the old ones, was one of the principle causes of the reduction of the British tea-duties, as, with an increased importation of tea, an increased exportation of manufactures to China was expected to take place. Now, the value of the annual exports from the United Kingdom to China amounted, before the repeal in 1834 of the trading monopoly possessed by the East India Company, to only £600,000; in 1836, it reached the sum of £1,326,388; in 1845, it had risen to £2,394,827; in 1852 it amounted to about £3,000,000. The quantity of tea imported from China did not exceed, in 1793, 16,167,331 lbs.; but in 1845, it amounted to 50,714,657 lbs.; in 1846, to 57,584,561 lbs.; it is now above 60,000,000 lbs. The tea crop of the last season will not prove short, as shown already by the export lists from Shanghai, of 2,000,000 lbs. above the preceding year. This excess is to be accounted for by two circumstances. On one hand, the state of the market at the close of 1851 was much depressed, and the large surplus stock left has been thrown into the export of 1852. On the other hand, the recent accounts of the altered British legislation with regard to imports of tea, reaching China, have brought forward all the available teas to a ready market, at greatly enhanced prices. But with respect to the coming crop, the case stands very differently. This is shown by the following extracts from the correspondence of a large tea-firm in London:

“In Shanghai the terror is described as extreme. Gold had advanced in value upwards of 25 per cent., being eagerly sought for hoarding; silver had so far disappeared that none could be obtained to pay the Chinese dues on the British vessels requiring port clearance; and in consequence of which Mr. Consul Alcock has consented to become responsible to the Chinese authorities for the payment of these dues, on receipt of East India Company’s bills, or other approved securities. The scarcity of the precious metals is one of the most unfavourable features, when viewed in reference to the immediate future of commerce, as this abstraction occurs precisely at that period when their use is most needed, to enable the tea and silk buyers to go into their interior and effect their purchases, for which a large portion of bullion is paid in advance, to enable the producers to carry on their operations.”

At this period of the year it is usual to begin making arrangements for the new teas, whereas at present nothing is talked of but the means of protecting person and property, all transactions being at a stand.

“...if the means are not applied to secure the leaves in April and May, the early crop, which includes all the finer descriptions, both of black and green teas, will be as much lost as unreaped wheat at Christmas.”

Now the means for securing the tea leaves will certainly not be given by the English, American or French squadrons stationed in the Chinese seas, but these may easily, by their interference, produce such complications as to cut off all transactions between the tea-producing interior and the tea exporting sea ports. Thus, for the present crop, a rise in the prices must be expected – speculation has already commenced in London – and for the crop to come a large deficit is as good as certain. Nor is this all. The Chinese, ready though they may be, as are all people in periods of revolutionary convulsion, to sell off to the foreigner all the bulky commodities they have on hand, will, as the Orientals are used to do in the apprehension of great changes, set to hoarding, not taking much in return for their tea and silk, except hard money. England has accordingly to expect a rise in the price of one of her chief articles of consumption, a drain of bullion, and a great contraction of an important market for her cotton and woollen goods. Even the Economist, that optimist conjurer of all things menacing the tranquil minds of the mercantile community, is compelled to use language like this:

“We must not flatter ourselves with finding as extensive a market as formerly for our exports to China ... It is more probable, therefore, that our export trade to China should suffer, and that there should be a diminished demand for the produce of Manchester and Glasgow.”

It must not be forgotten that the rise in the price of so indispensable an article as tea, and the contraction of so important a market as China, will coincide with a deficient harvest in Western Europe, and, therefore, with rising prices of meat, corn, and all other agricultural produce. Hence contracted markets for manufacturers, because every rise in the prices of the first necessaries of life is counterbalanced, at home and abroad, by a corresponding reduction in the demand for manufactures. From every part of Great Britain complaints have been received on the backward state of most of the crops. The Economist says on this subject:

In the South of England “not only will there be left much land unsown, until too late for a crop of any sort, but much of the sown land will prove to be foul, or otherwise in a bad state for corn-growing.” On the wet or poor soils destined for wheat, signs that mischief is going on are apparent. “The time for planting mangel-wurzel may now be said to have passed away, and very little has been planted, while the time for preparing land for turnips is rapidly going by, without any adequate preparation for this important crop having been accomplished ... oat-sowing has been much interfered with by the snow and rain. Few oats were sown early, and late-sown oats seldom produce a large crop.”

In many districts losses among the breeding flocks have been considerable. The price of other farm-produce than corn is from 20 to 30, and even 50 per cent. higher than last year. On the Continent, corn has risen comparatively more than in England. Rye has risen in Belgium and Holland a full 100 per cent. Wheat and other grains are following suit.

Under these circumstances, as the greater part of the regular commercial circle has already been run through by British trade, it may safely be augured that the Chinese revolution will throw the spark into the overloaded mine of the present industrial system and cause the explosion of the long-prepared general crisis, which, spreading abroad, will be closely followed by political revolutions on the Continent. It would be a curious spectacle, that of China sending disorder into the Western World while the Western Powers, by English, French and American war-steamers, are conveying “order” to Shanghai, Nanking and the mouths of the Great Canal. Do these order-mongering Powers, which would attempt to support the wavering Manchu dynasty, forget that the hatred against foreigners and their exclusion from the Empire, once the mere result of China’s geographical and ethnographical situation, have become a political system only since the conquest of the country by the race of the Manchu Tatars? There can be no doubt that the turbulent dissensions among the European nations who, at the later end of the 17th century, rivalled each other in the trade with China, lent a mighty aid to the exclusive policy adopted by the Manchus. But more than this was done by the fear of the new dynasty, lest the foreigners might favour the discontent existing among a large proportion of the Chinese during the first half-century or thereabouts of their subjection to the Tatars. From these considerations, foreigners were then prohibited from all communication with the Chinese, except through Canton, a town at a great distance from Peking and the tea-districts, and their commerce restricted to intercourse with the Hong merchants, licensed by the Government expressly for the foreign trade, in order to keep the rest of its subjects from all connection with the odious strangers. In any case an interference on the part of the Western Governments at this time can only serve to render the revolution more violent, and protract the stagnation of trade.

At the same time it is to be observed with regard to India that the British Government of that country depends for full one seventh of its revenue on the sale of opium to the Chinese while a considerable proportion of the Indian demand for British manufactures depends on the production of that opium in India. The Chinese, it is true, are no more likely to renounce the use of opium than are the Germans to forswear tobacco. But as the new Emperor is understood to be favourable to the culture of the poppy and the preparation of opium in China itself, it is evident that a death-blow is very likely to be struck at once at the business of opium-raising in India, the Indian revenue, and the commercial resources of Hindostan. Though this blow would not immediately be felt by the interests concerned, it would operate effectually in due time, and would come in to intensify and prolong the universal financial crisis whose horoscope we have cast above.

Since the commencement of the eighteenth century there has been no serious revolution in Europe which had not been preceded by a commercial and financial crisis. This applies no less to the revolution of 1789 than to that of 1848. It only that we every day behold more threatening s conflict between the ruling powers and their subjects the State and society, between the various classes; conflict of the existing powers among each other reaching that height where the sword must be drawn, and the ultima ratio of princes be recurred to. In the European capitals, every day brings despatches big with universal war, vanishing under the despatches of the following day, bearing the assurance of peace for a week or so. We may be sure, nevertheless, that to whatever height the conflict between the European powers may rise, however threatening the aspect of the diplomatic horizon may appear, whatever movements may be attempted by some enthusiastic fraction in this or that country, the rage of princes and the, fury of the people are alike enervated by the breath of prosperity. Neither wars nor revolutions are likely to put Europe by the ears, unless in consequence of a general commercial and industrial crisis, the signal of which has, as usual, to be given by England, the representative of European industry in the market of the world.

It is unnecessary to dwell on the political consequences such a crisis must produce in these times, with the unprecedented extension of factories in England, with the utter dissolution of her official parties, with the whole State machinery of France transformed into one immense swindling and stockjobbing concern, with Austria on the eve of bankruptcy, with wrongs everywhere accumulated to be revenged by the people, with the conflicting interests of the reactionary powers themselves, and with the Russian dream of conquest once more revealed to the world.
Mozambique People’s Armed Forces Grow in Strength, Oct. 1966
[This article is reprinted from Peking Review, Vol. 11, #43, Oct. 25, 1968, pp. 26-27.]

SEPTEMBER 25 this year marked the fourth anniversary of the Mozambique people’s seething national-liberation war to overthrow Portuguese colonial rule. In the past four years, the Mozambique people’s patriotic armed forces have won victory after victory and grown stronger and stronger in struggle, wiping out large numbers of enemy troops and liberating vast areas with a large population.

A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire

The great leader Chairman Mao has taught us: “The seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of the issue by war, is the central task and the highest form of revolution.” On September 25, 1964, after making full preparations, a small group of Mozambique freedom fighters made a surprise attack on Chai, a small town in the northern province of Cabo Delgado, killing three Portuguese colonialists. The gunfire in Chai proclaimed to the world that the Mozambique people, who had suffered under Portuguese colonial rule for nearly five centuries, have finally embarked on the road of armed struggle after a long and arduous resistance, which was full of twists and turns, and they are determined to take up the gun for the complete liberation of Mozambique.

In the past four years, the Mozambique patriotic armed forces, which have grown in number and strength, have fought about 1,000 engagements and wiped out more than 5,000 Portuguese colonial troops. They have liberated vast tracts of territory and set up a number of guerrilla bases. They have destroyed more than a dozen enemy strongpoints, shot down 36 planes, blown up 5 locomotives and several hundred military vehicles, and captured large quantities of light and heavy weapons, ammunition, telecommunication equipment and other materiel.

The Mozambique patriotic armed forces are most active in Cabo Delgado and Niassa Provinces in northern Mozambique which borders on Tanzania. They have liberated 57,000 square miles of territory in these two provinces (one-fifth of the total area of Mozambique) and more than one million Africans out of the 7.5 million in Mozambique. The Portuguese colonial troops there have lost their initiative in war and have to hide in their strongpoints.

Last March, the Mozambique patriotic armed forces opened up a new battlefield in mineral-rich Tete Province in northwestern Mozambique which borders on Zambia. In an attempt to check the Mozambique people’s armed struggle from spreading southwards, the Portuguese colonialists are planning to build a big hydroelectric darn on the Zambezi River in the province’s Quebrabasa area to “settle” large numbers of Portuguese colonists. The opening up of the new front in Tete Province will blow up this fond dream of the Portuguese colonialists.

Revolutionary War Is a War of the Masses

More and more the guerrilla fighters in Mozambique have come to understand that revolutionary war is a war of the masses. They have paid attention to mobilizing and relying on the masses in their struggle. In the villages in the guerrilla bases, they have organized on an extensive scale people’s militia which takes part in agricultural production in ordinary times and defends the villages during enemy raids. The militia fighters also help the guerrillas by acting as messengers, supplying information and transporting ammunition and supplies. In addition, they do political work and are responsible for mobilizing and organizing the villagers. As a link in keeping close contact between the patriotic armed forces and the masses, the militia fighters provide powerful backing in defeating the enemy.

The most oppressed under the barbarous Portuguese colonial rule are the Mozambique women. They have a deep hatred for their national enemy and an unshakable determination to avenge themselves. This accounts for the important role the brave Mozambique women have played in the liberation struggle. Besides mobilizing their husbands and brothers to join the guerrillas, many women have a strong desire to take up arms themselves to wipe out the enemy. The first women’s detachment of the Mozambique patriotic forces was set up in 1967.

The heroic Mozambique guerrillas join the peasants of the guerrilla bases in farm work and they reclaim wasteland in the less populated areas. As a result of the great development of production by the people in the guerrilla bases under the leadership of the Mozambique patriotic forces, part of the bases’ economic crops are available for export to neighbouring independent African countries in exchange for clothing, bedding, medicine and other daily necessities.

Learning Warfare Through Warfare

The Mozambique patriotic armed forces have learnt warfare through warfare. Tempered in the four-year revolutionary struggle, they have steadily increased their fighting strength and improved their tactics.

In the early stage of their armed struggle, they adopted the highly flexible tactics of fighting in small units. With the African jungles as natural barriers, they harassed enemy strongpoints, ambushed enemy patrols, blew up bridges and destroyed enemy communication lines with mines. As they grew in strength, they organized their battles on a bigger and bigger scale. The guerrillas began to fight in platoons in 1967, and this year they already are able to fight in companies.

The Mozambique guerrillas have realized more and more the significance of concentrating a superior force to deal the enemy crushing blows and to wipe out his effectives.

Last March, a group of guerrilla fighters attacked a Portuguese post in Nambude, Cabo Delgado Province, with a force twice as strong as the enemy’s. The brave guerrillas wiped out almost a whole company of the enemy garrison at one stroke and captured a mortar, and large quantities of other arms and ammunition.

Early in the morning of August 10 this year, the patriotic armed forces in the same province mounted a furious attack on the air base of the Portuguese colonial troops at Muede. They won a notable victory, destroying 12 enemy aircraft with mortar-fire and blowing up the oil depot at the airport, and several military vehicles.

Meanwhile, the patriotic armed forces have steadily improved their tactics, fighting with ever greater skill and flexibility.

Last year, November 18, a company of Portuguese colonial troops stationed at the Nangololo strongpoint in Cabo Delgado Province attempted to launch a sneak attack on a guerrilla base of the Mozambique patriotic armed forces. Having obtained information of the enemy troop movement from the local inhabitants, the guerrillas selected favourable terrain and laid an ambush, waiting for the enemy to fall into the trap. When the colonial troops entered the ambush without any idea of what was in store, the guerrilla fighters promptly met them with withering fire, killing 15. The survivors retreated helter-skelter. When they fled to a village not far from their strongpoint, they were ambushed for a second time, suffering heavier losses. After having trounced the enemy in the first ambush, the guerrilla fighters had swiftly taken a short cut and set up the second ambush on the road which the enemy would pass through in their retreat.

In the middle of last June, the patriotic armed forces in Niassa Province laid mines on a highway, which destroyed two enemy military vehicles and killed ten Portuguese’ colonial soldiers. Before withdrawing, the guerrilla fighters skilfully laid mines around the destroyed vehicles. When a contingent of Portuguese reinforcements rushed to the scene, they stepped on the mines and many of them were brown up. By then, the guerrillas had safely returned to their base.

Carrying the Struggle Through to the End

Hit hard by the Mozambique people’s armed struggle, the Portuguese colonialists are putting up a still fiercer and more cunning struggle in an attempt to maintain their shaky colonial rule.

Seeing its interests in the southern part of Africa seriously threatened,, the common enemy of the world’s people, U.S. imperialism, is increasing its “aid” to the Portuguese fascist regime. While providing the regime with more money and weapons, it got its hatchetman in the southern part of Africa, the white racist regime in South Africa, to send troops to Mozambique to suppress the people’s struggle there.

The great leader Chairman Mao has taught us: “A nation, big or small, can defeat any enemy, however powerful, so long as it fully arouses its people, firmly relies on them and wages a people’s war.” The Mozambique patriotic fighters understand very well that they are not only confronting Portuguese colonialism but also vicious U.S. imperialism. Therefore, they know they should not cherish any illusions about easy victory. The struggle is a protracted and arduous one. Nevertheless, they have stressed that even if their struggle for liberation should last 20 or 30 years, they are determined to carry it through to final victory.
Tremendous International Significance of Mao Tse-tung’s Thought
—Excerpts from an article by Comrade Sanmugathasan, General Secretary of the Ceylon Communist Party

[This article is reprinted from Peking Review, Vol. 11, #43, Oct. 25, 1968, pp. 22-23.]


The duty of revolutionaries is to master the thought of Mao Tse-tung and to apply it to the concrete conditions in their own countries.

N. SANMUGATHASAN, General Secretary of the Ceylon Communist Party, in an article published in the September 30 issue of the Party’s weekly Red Flag, expounds the international significance of Mao Tse-tung’s thought.

The article says, “China is a great country, the most populous in the world—with a population that has passed the 700 million mark. It inherits a great civilization, perhaps the oldest in the world—going back beyond 5,000 years. It was the country that first gave to the world many new inventions like printing, the manufacture of gun-powder, etc.

“But today, it must be accepted that the greatest gift it has given to the world is Comrade Mao Tse-tung, the greatest Marxist-Leninist of our era. Comrade Mao Tse-tung is one of those rare men of genius who are destined to leave their mark on the fate of mankind. He is no exclusive Chinese phenomenon just as Karl Marx was not just a German, nor Lenin just a Russian. These are all great internationalists whose thinking, activities and impact transcend the boundaries of the country in which they happen to have been born. Herein lies the international importance of the thought of Mao Tse-tung.”

After referring to the great contributions of Lenin in developing Marxism and advancing Marxism to the stage of Leninism, the article goes on, “In leading to success the Chinese revolution through all its tortuous paths in the course of a protracted struggle against foreign imperialism and native feudalism and capitalism, Comrade Mao Tse-tung had displayed his ability to apply the universal truths of Marxism-Leninism to the concrete conditions in China. In doing so, he further developed Marxism-Leninism and raised it to a new height which today we call the thought of Mao Tse-tung.”

It says, “During the arduous and tortuous path of protracted struggle for the success of the Chinese revolution, Comrade Mao Tse-tung, with great genius, made many contributions to the development of Marxist-Leninist thought.”

“It is difficult in the course of a brief article to evaluate all the important contributions of Comrade Mao Tse-tung to the development of Marxism-Leninism. But I would particularly like to quote his description of the three main weapons which were responsible for the success of the Chinese revolution: ‘A well-disciplined Party armed with the theory of Marxism-Leninism, using the method of self-criticism and linked with the masses of the people; an army under the leadership of such a Party; a united front of all revolutionary classes and all revolutionary groups under the leadership of such a Party—these are the three main weapons with which we have defeated the enemy.’

“In this short quotation, with rare simplicity, Comrade Mao Tse-tung has outlined the three basic conditions necessary for the success of revolution in any country under present-day conditions. These are: (1) the leadership of a disciplined Marxist-Leninist Communist Party, (2) a people’s army of this Party, and (3) the united front of all revolutionary forces. It is important to remind ourselves of these fundamental and basic conditions for the success of revolution in any country, particularly in a country like Ceylon where modern revisionism and reformism have succeeded in misdirecting the masses quite a bit.

“One of Comrade Mao Tse-tung’s outstanding contributions in the field of philosophy is his exposition of the theory of contradictions. It was his genius that singled out the theory of contradiction and unity of opposites as the most important and basic law of materialist dialectics.”

The article says, “It is this correct understanding of the law of contradictions that enabled Comrade Mao Tse-tung to clearly foresee that classes will remain even after the socialist revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and that, therefore, class struggles would be a feature of the entire historical epoch during the transition from socialism to communism which itself would take a long process of time. It was this understanding that enabled Comrade Mao Tse-tung to give the correct leadership to the Communist Party of China to enable it to take the necessary steps to prevent a repetition of the events as they took place in the Soviet Union where the denial of the existence of the classes and class struggle led to the emergence of modern revisionism and the restoration of capitalism.

“It was this profound understanding of the law of contradictions that enabled Comrade Mao Tse-tung to initiate and personally lead the great proletarian cultural revolution which has today recorded a great success by successfully completing the formation of the revolutionary organs of state power in all the provinces and autonomous regions (with the exception of the province of Taiwan) of the People’s Republic of China. This great proletarian cultural revolution is in fact a great class struggle waged between two diametrically opposed forces—one led by China’s Khrushchov and wanting to take China back on to the path of capitalist restoration and the other led by the revolutionary headquarters of Chairman Mao Tse-tung which wants to carry the revolution to the end, prevent the restoration of capitalism and safeguard and strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat.

“The success so far achieved by the great proletarian cultural revolution is not merely a success for the internal revolutionary forces of China. It is a great success and source of inspiration and encouragement for the entire international revolutionary communist movement. The fact that China has been preserved as a base for world revolution is a sure sign of the impending success of world socialism. China today is to the rest of the world what the liberated areas were to the rest of China during the pre-liberation period. This great success in the great proletarian cultural revolution is entirely due to the correct and personal guidance given to it by Comrade Mao Tse-tung. It is a victory for the thought of Mao Tse-tung.”

It says, “Another great contribution of Mao Tse-tung to Marxism-Leninism is the part he has played in leading the fight against the modern revisionists. Just as Lenin had to re-discover and re-state the fundamental truths of Marxism and develop it to a higher stage in the course of his bitter struggle against the revisionists of his day, so it fell to Comrade Mao Tse-tung to re-discover and re-state the universal truths of Marxism-Leninism and develop it to a new height in the course of the present titanic struggle between Marxism-Leninism and modern revisionism. One has only to ask himself what would have happened to the international revolutionary movement if China had followed Russia into the revisionist carnp to realize the tremendous historical and international significance of the ideological struggle waged by the Communist Party of China, under the leadership of Comrade Mao Tse-tung, against modern revisionism whose leading centre is in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. This great ideological struggle has not merely vindicated Marxism-Leninism. It has also revitalized the entire international communist movement and made sure of the final defeat of world imperialism along with its prop, modern revisionism.”

In conclusion the article says, “That is why just as, during the time of Lenin, whoever opposed Leninism in fact opposed Marxism, so also today whoever opposes the thought of Mao Tse-tung opposes Marxism-Leninism. Today, support for Marxism-Leninism has no meaning if it does not extend to support for the thought of Mao Tse-tung which is the highest stage which the development of Marxism-Leninism has reached. The thought of Mao Tse-tung is today the most advanced revolutionary thought in the world. It is the only correct guide to the revolutionary movement of all oppressed peoples.

“That is why the duty of all revolutionaries today is to master the thought of Mao Tse-tung and to apply it to the concrete conditions in their own countries.”
Donald Trump and the New U.S. National Cyber Strategy
The Trump administration’s new National Cyber Strategy officially authorizes the U.S. government to conduct offensive cyber attacks

Raúl Antonio Capote | informacion@granmai.cu
November 2, 2018 10:11:05
Photo: Granma

U.S. National Security Adviser, John Bolton, announced September 20 that President Donald Trump had signed the plan for the new National Cyber Strategy that officially authorizes the U.S. government to conduct offensive cyber attacks.

“We’re going to do a lot of things offensively and I think our adversaries need to know that,” Bolton stated in a press conference. This document will contribute to guaranteeing “secure Internet,” according to Bolton. The competent bodies will now be able to “identify, counter, disrupt, degrade, and deter behavior in cyberspace that is destabilizing and contrary to national interests.”

The National Security Adviser warned, “The people who need to be worried about this are the people who have taken or are preparing to take hostile actions in cyberspace against us,” and emphasized that the responses to these attacks will not be limited to cyberspace, but will also include legislative responses, economic sanctions, and military actions.

He continued: “It is in our national interest to do that not because we want more offensive operations in cyber space but precisely to create the structures of deterrence that will demonstrate to adversaries that the cost of their engaging in operations against us is higher than they want to bear.”

The document accuses Iran, Russia, China, and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), among others, of using cyberspace as an instrument to attack the United States. Bolton mentions examples of attacks “perpetrated” by Russia and the DPRK.

In July, Special Counsel for the U.S. Department of Justice, Robert Mueller, accused 12 members of Russia’s Main Intelligence Directorate (GRU) of hacking Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign.

According to Associated Press (AP), Russian cyber spies obtained U.S. military secrets, including information regarding drones and critical defense technology. The group of hackers targeted at least 87 people “working on militarized drones, missiles, rockets, stealth fighter jets, cloud-computing platforms or other sensitive activities.”

The Office of Personnel Management, an independent agency of the U.S. government, reported that hackers launched various attacks on major U.S. websites, including the Pentagon computer network, and the Twitter and YouTube accounts of the U.S. Central Command (USCENTCOM). In addition, hackers stole personal data of millions of U.S. officials, including employees of the Defense Department.

Moscow denies any involvement. The Russian government has repeatedlystated that the accusations are “absurd” and represent an attempt to divert attention from U.S. domestic affairs, and the country’s responsibility for attacks against facilities, companies, military and civilian units, public and private services in Russia, Iran, the DPRK, and China.

WHO’S ATTACKING WHOM?

The Russian Foreign Ministry reiterated the call to organize “a meeting of the bilateral working group on cyber security, where such problems must, in fact, be discussed with the participation of Russian and U.S. specialists.”

The U.S. government, its intelligence services and institutions, and companies linked to the military-industrial complex, have been developing a strong offensive against the Islamic Republic of Iran for the past decade.

In 2010, a cyber attack against an Iranian nuclear power plant caused damage to the plant’s cooling system, which could have caused a serious incident of unforeseeable consequences. This was considered the first cyber attack to cause real-world physical damage.

Several sources claim that the Stuxnet virus affected the centrifuges of the Iranian nuclear system. The virus caused the pressure to increase in the centrifuges, without being detectable, confusing technicians who believed there were physical failures in the system. The intention was to sabotage and stall the development of the Iranian nuclear program, and today there are elements to indicate that the attack saw the involvement of U.S. and Israeli intelligence services.

Although it seems the stuff of science fiction, in addition to attacks on infrastructure, cyber criminals can make attempts on human lives directly. They can hack pacemakers with wireless functions, and thus end the life of an “enemy,” according to sources close to the CIA.

As U.S. vice president under George Bush, Dick Cheney, told CBS’ 60 Minutes program, in 2007, that his doctor ordered the deactivation of his pacemaker’s wireless function, for fear that it could be hacked.

FireEye, a cybersecurity research company, is closely linked to the CIA, through Robert Bigman, former chief information security officer at the Agency, with whom numerous contracts have been signed for research on the use of malware, zero day exploits (a cyber attack that occurs on the same day a weakness is discovered in software), and APT tactics (technical solutions to an Advanced Persistent Threat).

FireEye has been identified as the possible origin of false cyber attacks, conducted with the aim of accusing Russia and Iran as culprits.

Russia was accused in 2017 of carrying out a global cyber attack that led to billion dollar losses in Europe, Asia, and the Americas. In a statement, the UK accused Russia of being behind the attack, an accusation backed by the White House.

President Vladimir Putin, visiting China at the time, immediately responded that the attack had nothing to do with Russia. “Microsoft has spoken directly about this,” Putin said. “They said that the first sources of this virus were the United States intelligence agencies.”

“A genie let out of a bottle of this kind, especially created by secret services, can then cause damage to its authors and creators,” Putin warned, noting the issue warranted immediate talks “on a serious political level.”

Chief Legal Officer of Microsoft, Brad Smith, noted that the malware was a modified version of one developed to penetrate Windows operating systems by the National Security Agency (NSA), which ended up in the hands of hackers.

THE “TERABYTE OF DEATH” AND OTHER VIRUSES

The U.S. Department of Defense has repeatedly announced that a major cyber attack of unknown magnitude could occur at any time on a global scale. The Director of Defense Information Systems Agency, Alan R. Lynn, stated that some years ago, an attack of one or two gigabytes was considered an important matter, but “Now, we get 600-gig attacks on the internet access points and unique, different ways of attacking that we hadn’t thought of before.”

“There’s now, we would call it the ‘terabyte of death’” he said, adding: “It’s just a matter of time before it hits us.”

May 12 of last year, the WannaCry ransomware infected 200,000 users in more than 150 countries. WannaCry is a file-encrypting virus that “hijacks” infected computers, requiring users to pay to get their files back.

“The scale of the attack causes us to believe that it may not be the work of lone wolves,” blogger Jose Luis Camacho told Russia Today, arguing that attacks of this magnitude require significant funding.

Part of the virus code matched a NSA created “cyber weapon” called EternalBlue, according to Bleeping Computer. With this tool, the attack exploits a known security breach of the Windows operating system that allows hackers to take control of a computer.

THE APPROVED PLAN JUSTIFIES CYBER ATTACKS AGAINST SUPPOSED ENEMIES

Trump rescinded the so-called “Presidential Policy Directive 20” (PPD-20), a confidential document signed by Obama made public in 2013, when the former NSA analyst, Edward Snowden, leaked 1.7 million files on U.S. espionage programs.

The PPD-20 forced the Pentagon and intelligence agencies to obtain the approval of other government departments before launching cyber attacks. The Pentagon now has free reign to act aggressively, leaving behind the defensive position maintained until now, according to Bolton.

The new strategy legalizes hacking and cyber attacks against other nations. What, then, can be expected from the experts in fabricating pretexts, false flag and simulated attacks? Or in allowing attacks to take place in order to achieve obscure purposes, as some claim was the case on September 11, 2001?

The new plan opens the path to a more dangerous scenario for world peace. Humanity must close ranks to halt this warmongering madness that extends to cyberspace.

Cuba promotes the peaceful and legitimate use of information and communications technology, and the opportunities offered by cyberspace for the development and welfare of humanity.
COMMUNIST PARTY OF SWAZILAND: A BRIEF REPORT ON THE COURTESY MEETING THAT THE PSAs [SNAT, SWADNU, NAPSAWU and SNAGAP] HAD WITH THE PM TODAY [09-11-2018]
The SNAT- NEC wishes to confirm to the rank and file that the aforementioned meeting did take effect today (09-11-2018) at 1510hrs, Pavilion 6-Mavuso Trade Centre.

As the SNAT-NEC, we therefore report as follows;

1. Since this was a courtesy (familiarisation) meeting whose invitation was extended by the Prime Minister, it did not have clearly defined substantive agenda issues other than introductions and exchange of pleasantries by the parties.

2. In his address, the Prime Minister, made a commitment to establish harmonious relations with all social partners (Unions included). He stressed his commitment on ensuring economic improvement through job creation and instilling fiscal discipline to the rest of the Government departments and officers.

3. He stated that negotiations at the Joint Negotiations Forum [JNF] should be engaged upon with all partners thereat exemplifying utmost respect for each other. This, according to him, will be achieved if honesty, transparency and accountability is embraced by both the Government Negotiating Team (GNT) and Public Sector Associations {PSAs}.

4. He also reiterated the ages-long words that have always been preached by the Government that: *the Government is in dire cash liquidity problems.* He also requested his Finance Minister (Mr. Neal) to confirm the Government's financial quagmire and that the Government is in a worse situation this year than it was in 2011.

5. Unions were then allowed to react. Issues that were put forth include the following, amongst others. That;

■ Under no circumstances will workers ever believe and accept the obsolete gospel of Government being in cash liquidity problems when our spending patterns as a country indicate that money is in abundance.

■ That unless and until Government sets correct priorities, our economic problems shall be perennial.

■ That his Government, and himself in particular, should exemplify honesty, transparency and accountability if he is to earn integrity and respect of the Swazi citizens in general and workers in particular.

■ That he should also reflect on a report that was tabled by his predecessor in 2011 which stated that the best way of improving the country's economy is through pumping money into salaries of workers so that the same money can be deposited back to the overall economy. This will be made possible by the fact that the purchasing power of the workers would have been enhanced.

■ That workers will never accept salary cuts and any salary freeze.

As the SNAT-NEC, we therefore made the following analysis;

● That the unprecedented predicament we as workers are in, shall stay with us for a little longer and that tougher times are lying ahead for the workers of this country.

Issued By: The SNAT SG
Date: 09-11-2018
[+268 7626 6803 / +268 7926 6803 /+268 7639 6803]
Communist Party of Swaziland, Mswati’s Police Detain Student Leaders and Activists
11/12/18 6:03 PM

The Communist Party of Swaziland (CPS) has received information that the royal Swaziland police today (12 November 2018) arbitrarily detained the Branch Chairperson of the Swaziland National Union of Students (SNUS) at the Limkokwing University of Creative Technology (LUCT), Comrade Mxolisi Motsa.

He was detained immediately after being served with a suspension letter by the management of LUCT, together with six other students who had been suspended for partaking in student struggles, a matter which the Communist Party will be pursuing further.

Comrade Mxolisi Motsa was detained together with another student activist, Comrade Bhekumuzi Mkhwanazi who graduated on Friday, 9 November 2018. Comrade Bhekumuzi is a former Branch Secretary of SNUS at LUCT. He had gone to submit his graduation gown to the university when he found the students who have been suspended by LUCT administration kicked out of the exam room and provided practical solidarity to them. It was then that he was detained together with comrade Mxolisi by the notorious royal police.

Both the young activists were detained for about three hours and released after intense insults and intimidation by the police.

The Communist Party of Swaziland condemns these attacks on students. We will continue to work with students and support them in their respective struggles across all institutions, including providing practical solidarity to the Swaziland National Union of Students. We will also be working to find ways of helping the students who were kicked out of the examination room and arbitrarily suspended by the LUCT administration.